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Two
Years at the Helm;
Attorney
General Peter Harvey has Reshaped
His Department and Posted Solid
Results On the Civil and Criminal
Sides |
 |
By
Tim O'Brien, New Jersey Law Journal/photos
by Carmen Natale
used with permission
of New Jersey Law Journal
|
 |
Ever
since his lengthy confirmation
ordeal, it's been a rough two
years for Attorney General Peter
Harvey. He has faced critics who
said he played politics with prosecutions
in his previous job as director
of the Division of Criminal Justice.
The sniping continued when he
became the state's chief law enforcement
officer.
Lately, detractors are saying
he has not lived up to his promise
to root out public corruption.
While U.S. Attorney Christopher
Christie says he enjoys a good
working relationship with Harvey,
he has
nevertheless taken pot shots at
him for not going after more public
officials.
But the rough going hasn't slowed
the ambitions of Harvey, who at
46 has aggressively reshaped the
divisions of criminal justice
and law, made major policy shifts
in the criminal justice system
and posted solid results on the
civil and criminal sides of his
office.
In an interview he requested to
review his first two years in
office, Harvey says any comparison
with
federal prosecutions is unfair,
given the U.S. government's superior
resources, particularly the FBI's.
He specifically points to what
his office has accomplished in
several areas without any real
change in
budget or staffing.
And as for public corruption,
while the state isn't snaring
high-level politicians [it hasn't
been for
decades] it has actually brought
more cases than the U.S. attorney
in the past three years, catching
lowerlevel officials.
Harvey says he sees the mission
of the attorney general as one
of service to the average citizen.
"Government should protect
the least among us so that people
don't get run over by the powerful
in life."
To that end, he cites his realignment
of priorities toward areas that
historically have not received
much attention, such as insurance
and consumer fraud, organized
gang drug-dealing, domestic violence,
securities fraud and his urban
environmental initiative against
waste-dumping and toxic contamination
in cities.
The state's most controversial
environmental push is the civil
pursuit of large corporations
for damaging rivers, woods and
bays. That effort, dubbed the
Natural Resources Damages program,
is spearheaded by the Department
of Environmental Protection but
uses deputy attorneys general
and outside counsel.
In
for the Duration
Harvey, who makes clear his intention
to remain until a newly elected
governor takes office in 2006,
remains feisty if not defensive.
Asked about a recent cartoon in
The Star-Ledger tweaking him for
going after Blockbuster Video
for improper late fee charges
while Christie's office was indicting
major
political actors, Harvey says,
"It's deceptive advertising.
I don't apologize."
In fact, he points with pride
to his Consumer Affairs Division's
suits against Sears Auto Centers
for
doing "all wheel alignments"
on some cars built so that only
two wheels can be aligned and
against
Nissan for failing to warn buyers
of Maxima models of the high risk
that the blue Xenon headlights
will be stolen.
The Star-Ledger cartoon ran the
same week the newspaper compared
the offices of the U.S. attorney
and the state attorney general
on the issue of public corruption
prosecution. The article showed
that while the number of federal
and state prosecutors is close
- 131 assistant U.S. attorneys
to 133 criminal justice lawyers
- Christie's office has 53.3 percent
more investigators, 350 to 187,
and twice as many lawyers working
on public corruption, 15 to 7.
Yet the state had 88 defendants
charged or convicted from 2002
through 2004 while Christie's
office had 76, state and federal
figures showed.
Of course, the U.S. attorney has
convicted or at least charged
county executives in Essex and
Hudson; past or current mayors
of 13 municipalities, including
Newark, Paterson, Asbury Park,
Hoboken and Irvington; two freeholders;
a trio of county party chairmen,
and major fundraisers, including
Charles Kushner and David Damiano,
both with close ties to former
Gov. James McGreevey.
State prosecutors have secured
a guilty plea from Assemblyman
Anthony Impreveduto, a mayor,
a
police chief and a local judge,
but most of the state cases involve
non-elected state officials, police,
clerks, inspectors, local officials
and party activists and businesses
and executives.
As for jail time, more federal
defendants go to prison and serve
longer terms. But that in some
measure is due to stricter federal
statutes and sentencing guidelines.
For instance, all third- and fourth-degree
state crimes carry a presumption
of a noncustodial term. That hasn't
stopped some carping, however,
as critics note that Impreveduto,
for example, served no jail term.
Systemic
Changes
Prosecutions and civil cases aside,
if Harvey is building a legacy,
it appears to be in the areas
of policy and process. He has
reshaped policy and the role of
the office, and has spent a lot
of capital on
tightening management. Many of
his reforms are functional, utilitarian
and structural. And even though
court rulings or new law prompted
some of these changes, they could
have lasting impacts even though
they don't grab headlines.
Here are some of the systemic
changes and their early results:
-
The Division of Criminal Justice
was reorganized, dividing
the unit into violent and
financial crime sections rather
than an administrative side
and an investigative side.
Harvey also re-instituted
vertical prosecution, by which
the same lawyers handle a
case from investigation to
grand jury presentation and
to trial or plea. "All
units are trial units,"
says Harvey, who says fewer
cases are tried now because
of better charging that leads
to more pleas.
As a result, indictments and
accusations have climbed dramatically,
as has the number of defendants,
according to Harvey's numbers.
Moreover, the rate of conviction
or plea is about 99 percent,
though that includes many
cases diverted into pre-trial
intervention.
- The
major narcotics task force
was turned into Harvey's "gangs,
guns and drug" initiative,
training resources on the
Bloods and Crips who have
become the lead distributors
of cocaine and heroin in most
cities. In late 2002, 47 alleged
members of the Latin Kings
were charged with a host of
crimes. About half have pleaded.
In March 2004, 10 gang members
were arrested in Atlantic
City on drugs, weapons and
other charges while another
17 Bloods were arrested for
allegedly running a heroin
cartel out of several counties.
Harvey says that during 12
months in 2002 and 2003, 533
gang members were arrested.
More than 20 kilograms of
heroin, 90 kilograms of cocaine,
5,000 pounds of marijuana,
8,000 Ecstasy pills and $900,000
in cash were seized. "We
are now looking at gangs as
organized crime, not just
in the cities but ... into
the suburbs," says Harvey,
who adds that his office is
targeting mid- to high-level
gang leaders in the hope they
will lead to suppliers.
-
The makeover of the Division
of Law has split its 550 lawyers
into a plaintiff side and
a defense side. The plaintiff
side prosecutes civil matters
in the areas of insurance
fraud, consumer protection,
civil rights, securities fraud
and the like, while the other
side defends suits against
the government. Harvey uses
the plaintiff side to lure
legal talent to the office,
saying, "Our theme is,
this is an office with a litigation
environment, a real law practice
where lawyers can and do handle
statewide cases, sometimes
with a national impact."
-
Investigations into financial
fraud, especially insurance
and securities matters, have
been beefed up.
The Office of the Insurance
Fraud Prosecutor, created
by statute, now has 273 employees,
including 73 criminal investigators
and 91 civil investigators.
The office was reorganized
from a north-central-south
division into a subject-matter
division, such as auto, property,
Medicaid and health and hospital
fraud. "Lawyers and investigators
remain in the same unit and
gain the needed expertise,"
says Harvey, who adds that
Insurance Fraud Prosecutor
Greta Gooden Brown works closely
with the industry, which underwrites
the office with a $26 million
annual grant.
The three-year period ending
in December 2004 shows results
dramatically above those of
the prior three years, according
to the office's statistics.
The recent period produced
776 defendants, up by 132
percent, with the civil and
criminal fines, penalties
and restitution of $41.34
million, up 174 percent from
the earlier period. Moreover,
total jail time rose by 124
percent for the 535 defendants
who were convicted or pleaded
guilty during the period.
-
Last year, Harvey instituted
guidelines that give prosecutors
more flexibility in plea deals
for drug defendants. The Brimage
guidelines - named for the
state Supreme Court's ruling
in State v. Brimage, 153 N.J.
1 [1998] - lead to less mandatory
minimum sentencing and allow
prosecutors to make exceptions
to prior plea mandates. Prosecutors
now have the discretion to
offer lower penalties to drug
dealers selling within 1,000
feet of a school or day-care
center.
Harvey says the old rules
came down harder on minorities
dealing drugs in cities than
on their white counterparts
in rural and suburban areas.
-
The office established and
is indexing a DNA database
from convicted criminals so
prosecutors can match prior
offenders when solving new
crimes. Harvey points to Virginia,
which, he says, has solved
96 homicides by such matches.
In January, a New Jersey judge
ruled that the DNA data must
be removed from the system
once a defendant completes
his term and probation or
parole, but the state is appealing
the ruling.
Near the DNA lab is the state's
relatively new computer forensic
lab in Hamilton, which analyzes
digital evidence and is training
hundreds of law enforcement
personnel.
-
Harvey has initiated the electronic
recording of statements and
confessions of suspects. He
initially limited the taping
to homicide suspects but recently
extended it to all defendants
charged with first- and second-degree
crimes. The policy eventually
will be expanded to fourth-degree
crimes and juvenile suspects.
Again, the move followed a
high court ruling and the
recommendation of a committee
formed to analyze the constitutional
issue.
-
Harvey also heads the state's
homeland security task force.
Separately, he is dealing
with the state's obligation
to improve the quality of
elections, including new electronic
machines in several counties,
under the federal Help America
Vote Act of 2002.
No
Regrets
If Harvey regrets saying repeatedly
in 2001 and 2002 that public
corruption is among his top
priorities,
along with gangs, financial
fraud, domestic violence and
homeland security, he does not
show it. Rather, he says he's
proud of the record compiled
by the Division of Criminal
Justice, which he says is better
than his predecessors in indictments,
convictions, pleas and prison
time.
Criticism and controversy, of
course, are not new to Harvey,
who was chastised for subpoenaing
a
senator who opposed his nomination
as attorney general and for
other actions.
He agreed to a consent order
and paid a $1,500 fine for accepting
free tickets to an Atlantic
City boxing match, an activity
under his watch. And he was
the subject of two conflict-of-interest
accusations - one in a criminal
prosecution of three corporate
executives and another in his
office's handling of a large
legal fee to a lawyer for convicted
financier Robert Brennan in
a civil bankruptcy case where
New Jersey was a creditor.
Both accusations involved his
relationship with a lawyer negotiating
with his office who is a personal
friend. The state Committee
on Ethical Standards found no
violations in either case.
Though there have been hints
that his relationship with acting
Gov. Richard Codey is a cool
one, Codey spokesman Sean Darcy
issued a statement on Friday
saying Harvey has "been
instrumental in New Jersey's
fight for adequate homeland
security funding." The
statement added that Harvey
"has also played a key
role in implementing Gov. Codey's
initiative to improve security
at every school in the state."
It also said Harvey is "keeping
our streets safe by reducing
gang violence ... and working
with the governor and Legislature
to keep assault weapons out
of New Jersey."
It may not be a ringing endorsement,
but Harvey says he's not worried
about image, political backing
or the judgment of others. "I
have no intention of running
for anything," he says,
reiterating that he intends
to return to private practice
next year.
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